|
"Feedback" radio host Scott Winter
talked with KUED Senior Producer Ken Verdoia about the VoteUtah
project.
The following is a transcript from the June 18
interview, which broadcast on KALL 910 AM, AM 570 KNRS,Oldies
94.1, 101.9 KKAT, Rock 99, KZHT 9409, and AM 700 KWLW.
Announcer: This is the Spectrum
Public Affairs Network. This is "Feedback" with Scott Winter
on the Spectrum Public Affairs Network.
Scott: Election season 2000
is upon us, we're going to vote in the politicians who will
run our country for the next couple of years, and what do
you really know about them? And how is television, or radio
for that matter, or the Internet helping you find out the
information you need to know, in order to vote the best people
into office? Well one station, KUED Channel 7, is encouraging
Utahns to go beyond the sound bites and rely on the sound
election analysis that this state's public television station
has to offer. And that's our subject on Feedback this morning.
Good morning. I'm Scott Winter and this is Feedback on the
Spectrum Public Affairs Network. Today we have a guest who
has appeared on my show more than anybody else in the history
of me doing Feedback, Ken Verdoia, who is the senior producer
for Election 2000 - VoteUtah for KUED-Channel 7.
Ken: What an extraordinary
honor to have that designation.
Scott: Well, you keep doing
all these really fascinating and interesting documentaries,
and I just have to have you on to talk about them, and now
you're involved in Election 2000 for KUED.
Ken: We used to say, Scott,
that our mission in public television is to try to find the
niche between all the good works that were being done out
there, between newspaper, and television. Everything that
they did in their setting of a commercial broadcast or of
commercial print, we would try to negotiate narrowly between
their great efforts. And, unfortunately now, when it comes
to election coverage and political broadcasting, there's this
huge chasm of emptiness of what's going on in terms of media
coverage of politics and the election. And so, we're driving
the bus sideways through this enormous hole.
Scott: Is that what really
brought public television into the forefront? I remember back
- I don't remember, but I remember hearing about how when
television first started, and the news programs that were
on, first they were only like fifteen-minute news broadcasts,
but...
Ken: Very short.
Scott: You had quality people
doing that. Edward R. Murrow, you had Huntley/Brinkley, Walter
Cronkite of course giving you in depth analysis of what was
going on, they expanded their newscasts, and CBS especially
was known for their great coverage of news. And then it changed
when they found out that they could start making money from
it. It used to be just a public service that the TV stations
would do. Then once the money aspect got into it, it became
a revenue generator; and the focus of network television news
changed didn't it?
Ken: In fact let me give
you a hard statistic that kind of draws that into sharper
focus. In 1960, during the era of Huntley/Brinkley, and those
great moments of American television, the average length of
a sound byte, something we're all familiar with now, or the
interview segment used in a television news story was 60 seconds...
Scott: Oh good heavens. Ken:
So, if you had Richard Nixon speaking in the 1960 presidential
campaign, you would hear Richard Nixon on the nightly news
speaking for, on average, 60 seconds. By 1988, that figure
was down to 9.2 seconds.
Scott: It's even shorter
in radio.
Ken: By 1998, it is now down
to 8 seconds. It continues to fall like a stone. Does that
mean our politicians have less to say? Does that mean the
decision is less significant than it was 40 years ago? Obviously
not. It means the collective broadcast journalism media in
this nation have changed. Shorter attention spans. . .faster
paced stories. They say they're doing it because of fleeting
public interest. Conversely, what they're doing is driving
the public away from the traditional news sources as legitimate
sources of information for people to make informed decisions.
Scott: Would you say that
has had a reverse effect as well? Has that effected the way
politicians and politics is run in this country?
Ken: Absolutely.
Scott: Because if I'm running
for president, and I know only nine seconds of my hour long
speech is going to be on TV, I'm going to make sure that I've
got at least a nine second cut here, a nine second cut there,
and one line here. I'm going to create my own sound byte just
to make sure that I end up on the evening news.
Ken: With successful and
not-so-successful consequences. One need only go back a few
years to 'Read my lips, no new taxes.' That sound bite haunted
President George Bush. Probably cost him reelection because
it was thrown back at him time and time again. So trying to
boil down a presidential candidacy, or a candidacy for governor,
to one little eight second blurb that sums up everything you're
supposed to represent is ludicrous in the extreme, but it's
being used more and more.
Scott: And then you get someone
like President Reagan, who actually used sound bites that
were already on TV. Where's the beef? I paid for this microphone.
Ken: And the extraordinary
imagery of President Reagan and the successful use of the
media to restore this strong awareness in American voters
that the nation could be nobler. The nation could be more
virtuous; we could be, as he said,' the shining city on the
hill.' The ability to instill in the American voter the understanding
of that imagery, and a desire to walk the path to attain that
higher calling, connected in an extraordinary fashion with
the American public. And led dramatically to President Reagan's
initial victory over Jimmy Carter, and then of course his
landslide reelection victory.
Scott: But Ken, there is
a reason that they call it the MTV Generation. MTV watchers,
and people of that generation, do have a shorter attention
span. Whether they've been made to have that attention span
by the media; it is a fact that they do have that and so the
media has to play into that. There's a lot of polls and a
lot of ratings, and I know you get this a lot working for
KUED-Channel 7, but people say when they're asked, 'well,
I only watch public television or I watch the Nature Channel,
I'm not really into network TV.' But, the ratings don't bear
that out. People like to say that they watch in-depth programming,
but they don't always do that.
Ken: And then one of the
great lies in America is the endless stream of people who
come up to me and tell me that they never miss The News Hour
with Jim Lehrer, which used to be the McNeil/ Lehrer News
Hour. Now we know, that on any given night one percent of
the American population is watching that program. But in fact,
fifty percent of the American population has told me they
watch it regularly. You're right, it's the level of being
informed to which we would hope to aspire. It's like saying;
'I've read the collective works of William Shakespeare.' You
think that you are ennobling yourself by identifying with
those programs. Well, we appreciate that identification...
Scott: And it's good for
you. It's supposed to be good for you, which is why I think
a lot of people like to identify with it.
Ken: But in reality, the
American public, and a substantial portion of the American
public, is not so shallow, not so callow, not so mercurial
in their outlook and their opinions and their tastes, that
they want to surf from channel to channel every thirty seconds.
We have examples in public television. The highest rated locally
produced program in a local market such as Salt Lake City,
was a documentary that explored the history of Utah. People
sat down and invested hours of their time to watch this program.
And it was a documentary. It wasn't sharply edited. It wasn't
razz-ma-tazz, it wasn't drama, and the program featured neither
sex nor car crashes. People will invest the time, if the content
of a program is there to engage them, if they feel they're
not being pandered to, but rather there is a reason for them
to invest their time.
Scott: And you have a history
of doing this on KUED. I've asked you this before, but I want
you to talk about this specifically with politics which can
be a dry, boring subject about issues we've all heard a lot
about before, and we already know practically everybody else's
opinion on it. How do you make something like that not only
informative but entertaining enough to capture people's attention
to sit around and learn what they need to learn?
Ken: Well, you know, two
of the most despised groups to bring together in one broadcast
setting, would be politicians and journalists. Right?
Scott: Who do you throw the
egg at first?
Ken: Right off the bat, we've
got problems there. And so, I think you recognize that. You
say, 'well, jeez, who's going to be asking these candidates
questions? That journalist, that person sitting there doesn't
represent my interest, doesn't live on my block, doesn't know
me.'
Scott: Well, he's pictured
as being in the same smoke-filled back room as the politician
is.
Ken: Now this is a person
- generally most political journalists make their living by
a working relationship with the people they're covering.
Scott: And it's perceived
that because of that, they are compromised by it, so why trust
them any more than you trust the politicians?
Ken: And the is the layered
issue of is there an inherent liberal bias in the media? Is
the media tainted by that? The way we approach it is to say,
'let's get the media - in my case, let's get ME out of the
picture.' Let's bring these people that are candidates for
public office, sit them down, and then bring together an audience
of Utahns to ask the questions. What a novel concept. The
people get to ask questions of a candidate. Why? Because these
are the people who are going to do the voting. These are the
people that have the voices of their neighbors. These are
the people that are not swayed by the polarities of issues
that are driven in this state where ten percent on the right
and ten percent on the left shape the dialogue over issues
in the media. There is a disturbing trend in too much of the
Utah media to base much of its political coverage by chasing
the most extreme viewpoints. Yet, 80 percent of the Utah population
or at least 60 percent, is somewhere between those political
spectrums and is not touched by dialogues that are driven
by extremists.
Scott: But politics is a
complicated issue, and running the government is a complicated
procedure. Do I, as your average Joe citizen, really know
the right questions to ask a politician to find out what he
believes in?
Ken: You have the right to
say as I go to bed each night 'tomorrow I'm going to wake
up concerned that I'm going to be able to feed my children.'
Or that 'I'm concerned that my kid is going to get a good
basic education when they walk down the street to go to their
elementary school.' You have a right to say, 'I know a lot
of headlines have been written about this tobacco settlement,
where is that money going to go?' You have a right to say,
'I'm concerned about guns,' either keeping them, or keeping
them out. You have the right to weigh those issues in your
life. And I believe you have a right to raise those issues
before those people who would claim to represent you in the
halls of government. You've got the right to do that. I don't
have the right, as a journalist, to countermand your authority
and say, 'these are my issues that are more important because
I say so.'
Scott: And, are you saying
that public television then is really the only venue that
you can do this in? Because I can't just call up Governor
Mike Leavitt and ask him what his position on gun control
is. I can't really call Representative Merrill Cook and say,
'do you believe that this tax should be put on this particular
item? Or that it should be taken off of this?' One, they're
not going to have the time for me. Two, they're probably going
to say, 'well you know, that's something that we need to study
and have a committee on.' And why aren't the national affiliated
television stations doing something like this? Why did you
guys have to jump into the breech at KUED and say, 'we're
the ones who are going to set up this forum.'?
Ken: Well let me clarify.
We are not the only people that believe that the citizens'
voice should be represented in these exchanges. And certainly
we've seen in some rarified national settings, such as Nightline,
they have done some excellent town meetings with public officials
where citizens stand up and ask the questions. So, there are
those examples out there.
Scott: And that's one of
those 'good for you shows' that people actually do watch when
they say they watch it.
Ken: Well, absolutely.
Scott: And then they turn
over to Calista Flockhart on David Letterman.
Ken: But one of the great
issues of our time is that the broadcast medium - especially
television, was designed to be a marketplace of ideas. This
great public forum where people sitting in the comfort of
their own homes would be able to engage in these programs
that would challenge our public officials. Programs that would
require officials and candidates to speak out on significant
issues. That has all but evaporated, especially on a local
level. It's just considered not fast paced enough, not sexy
enough for television stations to do that anymore. But, it's
still vital for the citizenry to hear these people direct
and unvarnished. Not in an eight second sound byte, not in
a thirty second political ad, but to answer questions and
speak to specifics.
Scott: Election 2000, we're
talking with KUED-Channel 7 senior producer of Election 2000
- VoteUtah, Ken Verdoia. I'm Scott Winter, and this is Feedback
on the Spectrum Public Affairs Network. A while ago, when
we had the mayoral elections here in Salt Lake City, I had
the two candidates on. They didn't want to be on together,
so I had a half-an-hour for one and a half-an-hour for another.
Ken: Interesting.
Scott: And I put the two
on together. Part of it had to do with their schedules, but
Rocky Anderson and.
Ken: Stuart Reed.
Scott: Stuart Reed.
Ken: How quickly we forget
the second place finisher.
Scott: Both very interesting
men. I enjoyed my time with them both greatly. But one of
the things that they both expressed to me after the show,
was the fact that they were able to talk. Since I didn't really
feel that I knew enough about politics to really get in there
and just beat them up on issues and stuff, I would just ask
them, 'what do you believe about this? What do you believe
about that? What do you believe about this?' And just bring
up topics, not even say, 'do you think it should be done this
way?' Just ask, 'what is your opinion on this?' and let them
talk for five minutes on the topic. They were happy to be
able to just let themselves go. That they didn't have to worry
about using the right phrase for that sound byte that we were
talking about. That doesn't happen a lot in the forums that
these candidates can get on. Is that kind of forum what you're
going to be doing with the debates on Channel 7?
Ken: That's what we're looking
for. We're looking for the citizens to stand up and say, 'an
issue that care I care deeply about is taxation. What are
you going to do about taxation? What do you stand for, and
how will you make it come to pass?' The subject then, is taxes.
When you listen to a debate, try to cut through the mumbo-jumbo
of a candidate, his or her canned sound bite...
Scott: And they think it
doesn't pop out on you, but it really does. You can pick it
off fast.
Ken: It really does. And
listen for what is that candidate for, not what they're against.
Listen for what they are in favor of. As they enumerate what
they believe in, what they're in favor of, can they give voice
to it in practical terms? I believe we should reduce taxes
- tell me how. Tell me what 20 percent you're going to cut.
I want to know this. And listen for those specifics. Make
sure it comes out - if it doesn't come out of them, they may
just be wrapping themselves in the American Flag trying to
make you feel good.
Scott: And you know as well
as I do that a lot of these candidates don't want to be trapped
into that, or they're going to fall into the George Bush syndrome
- no new taxes, I promise you that. And then four years later,
they're going to get heck for it because they have made a
promise that they can't keep. So, in a lot of these answers
in these debates or these town meetings, they really don't
come out and actually say, 'I am for this' because they're
going to get caught later on if they're not able to follow
through.
Ken: They are fearful. They
are very, very fearful, that's an excellent point.
Scott: Do we put too much
pressure on them to make a promise, take an issue, take a
stand, and then if for one second you waver on that, we're
just going to jump all over you.
Ken: Oh my gosh Scott, are
you saying that we're expecting them to be adults?
Scott: I think that we're
expecting to be perfect.
Ken: Perhaps. But what we
really are expecting is if they make a promise, have the integrity
of honoring the promise. If they do not honor the promise.
Scott: They better have a
pretty darn good excuse.
Ken: . . .or you will suffer
the consequences with me, of not honoring your promise to
me. We have got to look at someone like Norman Bangerter.
In 1987, Norm Bangerter governor of Utah was considered dead.
Politically dead. He had gone in as a fiscal conservative,
but because of some dreadful reverses in the state's economy,
he had to push a tax increase through the legislature. Boy,
his public opinion ratings fell right into the basement. Everybody
said, 'there's no way he's going to get reelected.' There
were thoughts of dumping him within the Republican Party,
and yet, Norman Bangerter stood up and said, 'this is what
I did. This is why I did it. This is what would have happened
had I not taken that step. I'm not apologizing, I am trying
to explain, this is what was necessary.' He staged the most
dramatic comeback in Utah's political history, because he
stood by his guns, and he made the right choice, he made the
right decision.
Scott: And now we've got
a highway named after him we like him so much. You know, I've
heard similar things about Richard Nixon. If he'd had just
come out and admitted, 'yes I bugged these things. Yes, I
approved the break-in after the fact. I'm sorry, it won't
happen again. I made a mistake', people may have forgiven
him. And he could have still been president if he'd just come
out and been honest. And I'm wondering why more politicians
haven't picked up on something like that.
Ken: Honesty is in fact the
best policy, but you know, we don't reward honesty in the
stalking of political offices by individuals.
Scott: Stalking?
Ken: The career of Bill Clinton,
for example. From a very young age he was of a singular purpose
and mind. Here is a person who gives the appearance of crafting
each of life's steps to serve a terribly focused career objective
of getting elected to public office. A person who is plotting
each step carefully. If I do this, I can advance to here.
If I take this step, if I become Attorney General of Arkansas,
I've then got a shot at Governor. If I get a shot at Governor,
who knows? I personally am uncomfortable with a person who
approaches public office in such a manner. You know, personally
as just one voter, I don't like that in an individual. I like
to think of a person who perceives a need, does their very
best, and then gets the heck out of office. Much like Scott
Matheson did as governor in the 1970's
Scott: That brings me to
this question that I had that I thought of at the beginning
of the show. How many politicians in your experience, have
run into the trap of not saying what you think they should
say? I think politicians should come out and say, 'I believe
in this, I believe in this, I believe in this. If you believe
in that, vote for me.' A lot of politicians now days, I think,
say 'what do you believe about this? What do you believe about
this? What do you believe about that? And if a majority of
you believe in that, that's what I believe, now vote for me.'
Ken: I think that's a pretty
broad based but accurate characterization. 'What do you want
to hear? Well, I'm here to tell you that.' And, the less scrupulous
political figures will change their tune in different settings,
and that's completely inappropriate. I want to know what a
person stands for. If someone stands up and honestly says,
'This is what I stand for.' I won't break with that person
over one position that I don't agree with him or her on. I
will respect them for their integrity even if I disagree with
them. And, we don't get a lot of that. We just have the sense
that people are feeding us a line. And that's why many people
are disaffected with the political process. We've got to hear
more of them thinking out loud about what they truly stand
for, rather than a wanton pursuit of public adulation through
political office.
Scott: Now you say you would
not discount a politician or somebody running for office just
because you disagreed with them on one issue. But, in the
era of special interest groups that we're in now...
Ken: I don't agree with my
wife on every issue for goodness sakes. And I'm grateful that
she has not voted me out of office because of disagreement
over the occasional issue.
Scott: But, we expect politicians
to believe in us and to agree with us in everything. With
the special-interest groups out there, they will snatch on
to one politician who disagrees with them on one topic and
they will just beat him into the ground until they have gotten
him out of there so they can get the one guy who does believe
in that one topic into office. If you disagree with me on
gun control, I'm going to get you out of office, no matter
how many other ways I agree with you.
Ken: You see, that's the
definition of special-interest politics right there. In a
nutshell.
Scott: Well, they seem to
be running things now don't they?
Ken: In the absence of an
active body politic, the small, active groups define the public
dialogue.
Scott: So, we're letting
that happen you're saying?
Ken: Oh yeah, absolutely.
Those people who have those sharply held viewpoints at opposite
ends of the spectrum, are the ones that are shaping the dialogue.
They are also the ones that are politically active. You have
a couple of groups in Utah, the Eagle Forum is one, where
they have a small group of dedicated individuals committed
to a rather small agenda of what they believe is important
for government to represent. They are activists. I don't knock
them. I may not agree with them on the issues, but I don't
knock them because those people are active in the political
process.
Scott: Whether you agree
with their politics or not, they're getting off their butt
and they're doing something about what they believe.
Ken: And it all starts on
the neighborhood level. They don't begin banging on the door
of the governor, or the halls of Congress. They're organized
in the neighborhoods. They think of it on a state legislative
basis. They think of it in Utah State House of Representatives
or Utah State Senate or County Commission votes.
Scott: But you can see how
this would affect the average person who's not involved in
a special-interest group or not involved in these political
forums, sitting there saying, 'well then what does my opinion
matter if all these groups have so much power because they've
done it.' I would have to form my own group on a single issue.
Or a single couple of issues, or a philosophy in order to
get that same amount of power to have some kind of change.
Ken: No you don't.
Scott: Just one vote is not
going to have an effect when you're going up against a group
like that.
Ken: One vote makes a difference.
Look at a couple of the great lessons of history. Let me give
you an example. 1996 out in Tooele County, there's a race
for the Utah State Senate. This campaign is hard fought. Republicans
want that State Senate seat. It's been held by a Democrat.
It's a hard fought campaign between two individuals. It was
a dead heat on election night. It was recounted, the ballots
were recounted two times. Final separation, forty votes between
the two candidates. Forty votes, roughly the equivalent of
adult votes found on one square city block. Don't tell me
one vote can't make a difference because it can. One vote
put Adolph Hitler in charge of the Nazi Party in 1923. One
vote seated Ruthorford B. Hayes as President of the United
States back in the 1870's. One vote kept Andrew Johnson from
being impeached. One vote in our nation's history is the most
precious gift we have.
Scott: Election 2000. We're
talking with Ken Verdoia, Senior Producer of KUED-Channel
7's VoteUtah campaign. I'm Scott Winter, and this is Feedback
on the Spectrum Public Affairs Network. You mentioned Tooele
and the run for the State Senate. That's not the United States
Senate that's the State Senate. That's the senate right here
in Utah.
Ken: Yes, Utah State Senate
that's right.
Scott: Do you believe, as
a lot of people do, that the local - local - local elections
are a lot more popular than the national ones? It's more important
who we vote as State Senator, State Representative, Attorney
General, even up to Governor, more important than it is who
we vote for the United States Senate, the United States Congress,
or the President?
Ken: Well, you know, and
I'm not saying, 'please don't vote for federal office.'
Scott: But what's really
going to affect our lives more?
Ken: You want to know what
votes count the most? It's those that are cast for government
that is closest to you. And that includes your local city
council, your county commissioners, your county attorney,
your state representative, your state senator. Those are the
people that are exercising extraordinary influence on the
issues that will affect you in your neighborhood. Right on
your block. Those are the people that are really going to
be affecting your life on a daily basis. Far more on an individual
basis than the President of the United States, or even a United
States Senator.
Scott: Especially in a state
like Utah that has a comparatively low population.
Ken: But those local elections
are based on either city boundaries or balanced populations.
If you sit out those elections, if you say, 'well, my one
vote doesn't make a difference out of the 80 million votes
that will be cast for President of the United States, ' you've
probably got a pretty good point. Your one vote won't swing
a presidential election. But, your one vote could swing a
city council election. It certainly could swing a state senate
election, or a state legislative election and you would be
making an extraordinary difference.
Scott: You've got to admit
though that these smaller elections and the more local offices
that you're talking about are the ones that people usually
ignore. It's the higher political offices, the president,
the governor, the senators, and the congressmen that people
even remember. I don't know when was the last time I voted
for a city councilman or a state assessor.
Ken: And as I say, those
are terribly important decisions. These are the men and women
that come around and knock on your door and say, 'Hi, I'm
Bob Jones, I'm one of your neighbors, and I'm running for
city council, and I'd really appreciate it if you could support
me.' For example, there's an extraordinary opportunity going
on right now in Salt Lake County. They are revamping the form
of government, and they are going to an elected county council.
Council members that will be elected by district, with several
at large. This is a revolution in local government, and it's
going to be one of the most important decisions that neighborhoods
make and it's completely ignored.
Scott: When we get this small
in local politics, not really small, but when we get this
intimate and personal in local politics, how important do
the political parties become? I've always been surprised at
just how many Democratic office holders there are for the
state of Utah considering what a supposedly conservative,
Republican, state Utah is supposed to be.
Ken: And I think I've told
you this story before that this is not the first time that
Utah's been considered a one party state. Back when Utah was
admitted to the Union in 1896, one of the major stumbling
blocks to admission was the fact that the partisan powerbrokers
back east, were concerned that Utah was such a one party state.
Back then it was the Democratic Party.
Scott: Oh really?
Ken: In fact, it was such
a lopsided majority in favor of the Democrats, that the First
Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
called upon a church Apostle, John Henry Smith, to ride the
circuit of Utah and convince Latter Day Saints that it was
possible to be a good Mormon and a good Republican. Because
that essential balance between political parties was viewed
as in the best interest of Utah. And the Republican Party
virtually did not exist in Utah back at the turn of the last
century.
Scott: Well, you can also
say what we would call the Democratic Party back then, would
probably be called the Republican Party now.
Ken: It's hard to maintain
clear party images over the passing years. But the Republican
Party came into being, you've got to remember, in the 1850's
with a platform that was dedicated to the elimination of what
they called, 'the twin relics of barbarism. Slavery and polygamy.'
which they equated as the same and put on the same plank of
the Republican Party's first platform.
Scott: And wasn't the first,
the official Republican Party presidential candidate, Abraham
Lincoln?
Ken: John C. Fremont.
Scott: Oh really?
Ken: He lost to James Buchanan.
Scott: Oh poor guy. But the
first actual elected president...
Ken: Was Abraham Lincoln.
Scott: Abraham Lincoln, all
right. So, do you think the party has much to do with it on
the local level?
Ken: You know, it does to
a sense when people vote a straight party ticket. But we have
to remember that much of local government is non-partisan
and parties have nothing to do with judicial retention elections,
which are unfortunately, frequently overlooked by Utah voters.
Scott: Ken, I've known you
for quite a while and one of the things that we always seem
to talk about before, after, and during the shows, is that
you think; and you have this impression, and I agree with
it too, that people are a lot smarter than most people give
them credit for.
Ken: And you know how you
find that out? You talk to them, and you listen.
Scott: Your average human
being on this planet, who's not involved in politics, not
involved in all this stuff, is a lot smarter than we give
them credit for.
Ken: Absolutely.
Scott: What then, influences
people when they're voting for somebody in office? If it's
not what we think it is, what is it really? I mean, is it
really all the flash and non-substance that we see in the
fifteen or thirty second television ads, or the thirty or
sixty second radio ads? Is it the MTV kind of quick-cuts and
all of that stuff? Is it the fact that, you know, we like
the fact that Bill Clinton wears boxers instead of briefs?
Is that what really influences us a s a voter? Or that Richard
Nixon was sweating during the debate, and John Kennedy looked
handsome? Or do we really want and crave more substance and
vote based on that?
Ken: The bottom line that
has been established and understood for many, many generations,
was instilled in me when I was in graduate school in Political
Science. And they said, "It's simple. People, when they go
into a voting booth are voting for either guns, or butter."
And that's a simple thing. 'Are we are at war? Are we at risk?
Do we perceive ourselves as weak? Are we under the gun? Are
we in conflict? Is the war good? Is the war bad?' Or they
vote for butter. 'If we're not at war, if national security
is not an issue, how are we doing in our economy? How am I
doing? Am I employed? Am I making money? Is my family eating
well? You know, how is the economy going? Is my business doing
okay?' Those are the two motivating issues time and time again.
And they are the pivotal issues in every election on a federal
level.
Scott: If we're feeling safer
and we're feeling more economically secure, we're more likely
to keep the incumbent in office.
Ken: We will retain the incumbent.
Scott: And if just the opposite
is true, kick the bums out and try somebody new?
Ken: Here's an example. '64,
Lyndon Johnson is carrying the emotional mantle forward of
John Kennedy, the war in Vietnam had not heated up yet, the
economy is still percolating along, people vote for Lyndon
Johnson in a landslide. Three years later...
Scott: He doesn't even bother.
Ken: He drops out. And, Hubert
Humphrey picks up the mantle, steps forward and seeks to carry
forward the Democratic banner, the public said, 'we don't
like this war very much. We want someone who's going to get
us out of the war', as he said, ' peace with honor, light
at the end of the tunnel.' Richard Nixon. So that was a guns
decision. With Jimmy Carter, it was the issue of running against
Ronald Reagan, also in affect a guns issue. The pride and
security and national standing of the United States of America.
Are we weak? Can we be strong?
Scott: And we felt really
weak with the Iran hostage situation.
Ken: Absolutely. At the time
the Soviet Union was offered as an evil empire towering over
us. Maybe they were more than our equal, and Ronald Reagan
said, 'we can be strong.' There was a guns decision. But with
George Bush and Bill Clinton, in the election in 1992, it
was not the fact that we had won the Persian Gulf War...
Scott: Which most people
thought was going to be a clean swipe for Bush.
Ken: The people did not care.
Scott: Forgot fast.
Ken: Threw the issue out
in its entirety. It was, and a sign in Bill Clinton's war
room said, ' it's the economy, stupid.' People weren't feeling
good about their paychecks, and Bill Clinton made that the
focus of his successful unseating of an incumbent President.
Scott: How do we feel in
Utah right now? What's your impression? Because when I watch
the TV news, or when I listen to the radio news, or when I
read the newspaper, it seems to change every week. The economy's
doing good, the economy's doing bad. Voter confidence is high,
confidence is bad. We're loving the way we're - you know,
the cost of living is down, the cost of living is up. It changes
all the time. Can you really get a feel of how we're feeling
in Utah?
Ken: We are now coming down
from a sustained economic high, which was pretty extraordinary.
Securing the Olympics, having an emergent software and computer
driven industry, we were on a tear there in the '90's for
a period of time that was unparalleled in the United States.
We had a lot to feel good about, so we undertook some ambitious
goals. First of all, not only did we seduce the Olympic committee,
but we had to go about staging the games.
Scott: Seduce is a very nice
way of putting that Ken.
Ken: So we swing from the euphoria
of landing the Games to the very hard work of staging the
Olympics, that's big work. Then we say, 'Okay, we're going
to reconstruct our highway system' That's big work. That's
nasty, expensive work. The devil is in the details of carrying
out the ambitious dreams.
Scott: And then, a lot of
the businesses we thought were coming bugged out. Like the
computer industry.
Ken: And we've slumped from
that extraordinary economic growth scale that we had earlier.
But lets not cry crocodile tears for Utah. Unemployment is
still down. Job opportunities are still there. The bottom
line is, we're not as high as we were five years ago, but
this state is very well run from a fiscal standpoint. Financially,
this state is doing very, very well. It is achieving, it is
well managed. And I think you will not find a spirit of "throw
the rascals out". Unless the personal character of a candidate
becomes an overriding consideration. Because in Utah, if it's
a question of personal character, we will throw the rascal
out.
Scott: And you think that
overrides the feeling of, 'how am I doing in my personal life?'
Ken: Yeah, especially in
Utah. Utah votes with a strong moral compass, and that can
be a powerful determining factor. Especially when it comes
to the congressional races.
Scott: How do you keep your
personal opinions from getting in the way of moderating debates?
Ken: Oh, it's easy.
Scott: Or even dealing with
all of this election coverage that you guys are doing.
Ken: It's easy because I
realize how dull-witted I am. And I am always impressed with
the views and opinions that my neighbors and the "person on
the street" will express when they are given a chance. So,
it's very easy for me to step back and say, 'what do you think?'
Scott: But really, at the
end of these debates, we should have no idea what your opinion
is should we?
Ken: Absolutely not.
Scott: Because that's not
really important.
Ken: Absolutely not. I think
the best moderator is the one during the course of the program
who stays close to invisible. I believe that serves the public's
interest much more than a journalist grandstanding in the
middle of a debate.
Scott: Your debate format
seems to make it difficult for candidates to hide; let me
use the phrase, the 'slick wiliness' of some candidates? The
ones who are all image and no substance?
Ken: Absolutely. That just
shoots out at you over the course of these exchanges. That's
why I think this format; with the studio audience setting
the agenda, is the best way to go. And, if you can't join
us for the broadcast debates, join us on the Internet because
everything we have on the air and much more. It is going to
be part of our website at www.voteutah.org
Scott: Now I went to this
website. This is one of the most comprehensive, and user
friendly websites that I've seen in a long time.
Ken: Oh that's kind of you
to say. A lot of good people worked on it.
Scott: But the nice part
is too, there's no pop-up ads trying to sell me a house mortgage,
or you know, get me a deal on a VCR or anything like that,
because this is KUED public television who's doing this website.
Ken: And let me also say
that it's not just KUED, it's our sister public radio station
KUER, and two great non-partisan community based groups, The
League of Women Voters of Utah, and Utah Common Cause. They
are all coming together, and I might also add, the Utah Education
Network which is dedicated to non-partisan information and
instructional tools for schools in our public school system.
Scott: And one of the things
I loved about it, is you have a section there called The Learning
Booth.
Ken: Right.
Scott: And this is nice because
a lot of people may think, myself included, I thought I knew
how the elections worked. Who we were voting for, why we were
voting for them, how politics and government works in this
country.
Ken: Right.
Scott: And I was looking
through this going, 'man, I was mistaken about that.' It may
seem like simple stuff, and a lot of people may be embarrassed
that they don't know the real easy, simple stuff about politics,
but you can go to this website and find it out. There's no
embarrassment involved. You can just learn it.
Ken: And plus link to some
great activities in other sites. But you know what's interesting,
is we developed that basically for public schools kindergarten
through grade 12. And we find that adults that are hitting
on this site are drawn to that to refresh their understanding.
Because they're having a hard time answering their kid's questions
about 'Why do we have a governor and a legislature?' And it's
all there. It's going to be a great learning tool for teachers
in the fall as well. And what we hope this will be like a
gentle, interesting civics lesson at your own convenience,
to remind yourself of just how connected our government is.
Scott: How updated is this
going to be? Is this just something you just did once and
you're going to leave for five months?
Ken: It's actually being
revisited every day for content. We're constantly adding new
material. KUER and its daily political coverage will be streamed
onto the site. All of our debate telecasts will be turned
into transcripts that will be available on the site for people
to access later on in the campaign to hold candidates accountable
for what they've said on the air, and we will keep updating
this every day throughout the election in November.
Scott: That's www.voteutah.org.
And how does this work in with community partnerships? You
mentioned a few of them; the League of Women Voters is I think
probably the most famous one.
Ken: They advocate citizens
to get involved. We call it the League of Women Voters; it's
kind of an outgrowth; if you will, from almost the days of
the campaign for suffrage. But it's women saying, 'look, we
have ownership in our communities. Here is the way we shape
our communities, our state, and our nation. Be involved, be
informed.' So, they have an extraordinary track record. Our
second major partner is Utah Common Cause. Again, a citizen's
advocacy group that is encouraging better dialogues in political
campaigns, less reliance upon TV advertising and commercial
spots, and better campaign finance disclosures.
Scott: How important, Ken,
are minority voters in the state of Utah? Do they yet have
the kind of influence in other states?
Ken: No, they do not. And
this is one of the great tragedies of Utah in that we are
so exclusively focused on the homogeneity of our state. We
place the focus there because of the great imperative to serve
the interests of majorities. So how do we politically define
ourselves. . . White, Anglo-Saxon, Christian, and generally
to the "right" of the nation. Since political campaigns focus
their messages on winning, the messages tend to be aimed exclusively
at the largest demographic blocks. So the entire political
process becomes institutionally inclined to overlook diversity.
People of different ethnic backgrounds, different religious
traditions, different cultural traditions. Once upon a time,
these different traditions were considered the political realm
of the Democratic Party. But the Democratic Party has not
been able to organize these very different traditions into
a cohesive political action unit. And, frankly, the Democratic
Party of Utah is more committed to a centrist or even rightward
realignment to appeal to that majority of voters that we were
just talking about. And what you find with the Latino voter,
what you find with the African-American voter, is that they
have great suspicion of whether either party is listening
to them in Utah.
Scott: And do you think that's
a cause just of the numbers? That there may not be as many
of them?
Ken: It could be. If you
go to San Diego, if you go to Los Angeles in congressional
districts there, the Latino vote is so well developed. It's
so significant in numbers. First of all, Latino candidates
that are running. African-American candidates are running
for office. And these candidates are winning those offices,
representing their people in the districts. But to overlook
the so-called Hispanic vote, to overlook an ethnic vote is
political suicide in more diverse political settings. In Utah,
unfortunately, the numbers are considered so small, that candidates
do not invest the time in speaking to those voters.
Scott: Is it hard to vote?
If I've never voted before do I have to go through a long
registration process, get a background check, have them go
into my credit history, find out where I live, stop by my
house, check my dog, get my Social Security Number?
Ken: It's a piece of cake.
Scott: I mean if I've never
been involved in the voting process, how do I make sure that
I can start getting involved?
Ken: Well, the first thing
you do, is if you're connected to the Internet, and you can
either do this at a home computer if you have it, or go to
a local library. Visit us on the website - www.voteutah.org.
On that website, we have voter information. Click on that,
we'll tell you how to register. We'll tell you where to register.
We'll tell you what steps are involved, we'll tell you what
the deadlines are for registration in advance of the general
election. It is very, very easy. If you're not registered,
go out and do it.
Scott: Ken, I appreciate
you being on. Ken Verdoia, Senior Producer of Election 2000
- VoteUtah for KUED-Channel 7. Their website is www.voteutah.org.
I'm Scott Winter, and this has been Feedback on the Spectrum
Public Affairs Network, we'll see ya next week.
|